A National Defense Strategy Of Sowing Global Chaos

Authored by Nicholas Davies via The Strategic Culture Foundation,

Presenting the 2018 National Defense Strategy of the United States on Friday at the Johns Hopkins University, Secretary of Defense James Mattis painted a picture of a dangerous world in which U.S. power – and all of the supposed “good” that it does around the world – is on the decline.

“Our competitive edge has eroded in every domain of warfare – air, land, sea, space, and cyberspace,” he said. “And it is continually eroding.”

 

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Known locations of U.S. military bases around the world (Source: Politico)

What he could have said instead is that the United States military is overextended in every domain, and that much of the chaos seen around the world is the direct result of past and current military adventurism. Further, he could have acknowledged, perhaps, that the erosion of U.S. influence has been the result of a series of self-inflicted blows to American credibility through foreign policy disasters such as 2003 invasion of Iraq.

There were also two important words hidden between the lines, but never mentioned by name, in the new U.S. National Defense Strategy: “empire” and “imperialism.”

It has long been taboo for U.S. officials and corporate media to speak of U.S. foreign policy as “imperialism,” or of the U.S.’s global military occupations and network of hundreds of military bases as an “empire.”  These words are on a long-standing blacklist of “banned topics” that U.S. official statements and mainstream U.S. media reports must never mention.

The streams of Orwellian euphemisms with which U.S. officials and media instead discuss U.S. foreign policy do more to obscure the reality of the U.S. role in the world than to describe or explain it, “hiding imperial interests behind ever more elaborate fig leaves,” as British historian A.J.P. Taylor described European imperialists doing the same a century ago.

As topics like empire, imperialism, and even war and peace, are censored and excised from political debate, U.S. officials, subservient media and the rest of the U.S. political class conjure up an illusion of peace for domestic consumption by simply not mentioning our country’s 291,000 occupation troops in 183 other countries or the 39,000 bombs and missiles dropped on our neighbors in Iraq, Syria and Afghanistan since Trump took office.

The 100,000 bombs and missiles dropped on these and other countries by Obama and the 70,000 dropped on them by Bush II have likewise been swept down a kind of real time “memory hole,” leaving America’s collective conscience untroubled by what the public was never told in the first place.

But in reality, it’s been a long time since U.S. leaders of either party resisted the temptation to threaten anyone anywhere, or to follow through on their threats with “fire and fury” bombing campaigns, coups and invasions.  This is how empires maintain a “credible threat” to undergird their power and discourage other countries from challenging them.

But far from establishing the “Pax Americana” promised by policymakers and military strategists in the 1990s, from Paul Wolfowitz and Dick Cheney to Madeleine Albright and Hillary Clinton, the results have been consistently catastrophic, producing what the new National Defense Strategy calls, “increased global disorder, characterized by decline in the long-standing, rules-based international order.”

Of course the drafters of this U.S. strategy document dare not admit that U.S. policy is almost single-handedly responsible for this global chaos, after successive U.S. administrations have worked to marginalize the institutions and rules of international law and to establish illegal U.S. threats and uses of force that international law defines as crimes of aggression as the ultimate arbiter of international affairs.

Nor do they dare acknowledge that the CIA’s politicized intelligence and covert operations, which generate a steady stream of political pretexts for U.S. military intervention, are designed to create and exacerbate international crises, not to solve them.  For U.S. officials to admit such hard truths would shake the very foundations of U.S. imperialism.

Opposition to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action with Iran – the so-called nuclear deal – from Republicans and Democratic hawks alike seems to stem from the fear that it might validate the use of diplomacy over sanctions, coups and war, and set a dangerous precedent for resolving other crises – from Afghanistan and Korea to future crises in Africa and Latin America.  Iran’s success at bringing the U.S. to the negotiating table, instead of falling victim to the endless violence and chaos of U.S.-backed regime change, may already be encouraging North Korea and other targets of U.S. aggression to try to pull off the same trick.

But how will the U.S. justify its global military occupation, illegal threats and uses of force, and trillion-dollar war budget once serious diplomacy is seen to be more effective at resolving international crises than the endless violence and chaos of U.S. sanctions, coups, wars and occupations?

From Bhurtpoor to Baghdad

Major Danny Sjursen, who has fought in Iraq and Afghanistan and taught history at West Point, is a rare voice of sanity from within the U.S. military.  In a poignant article in Truthdig, Major Sjursen eloquently described the horrors he has witnessed and the sadness he expects to live with for the rest of his life.  “The truth is,” he wrote, “I fought for next to nothing, for a country that, in recent conflicts, has made the world a deadlier, more chaotic place.”

Danny Sjursen’s life as a soldier of the U.S. Empire reminds me of another soldier of Empire, my great-great-great grandfather, Samuel Goddard.  Samuel was born in Norfolk in England in 1793, and joined the 14th Regiment of Foot as a teenager. He was a Sergeant at the Battle of Waterloo in 1815.  During 14 years in India, his battalion led the assault on the fortress of Bhurtpoor in 1826, which ended the last resistance of the Maratha dynasty to British rule.  He spent 3 years in the Caribbean, 6 years in Canada, and retired as Commandant of Dublin Castle in 1853 after a lifetime of service to Empire.

Danny’s and Samuel’s lives have much in common.  They would probably have a lot to talk about if they could ever meet.  But there are critical differences.  At Bhurtpoor, the two British regiments who led the attack were followed through the breech in the walls by 15 regiments of Indian “Native Infantry.”  After Bhurtpoor, Britain ruled India (including Pakistan and Bangladesh) for 120 years, with only a thousand British officials in the Indian Civil Service and a few thousand British officers in command of up to 2.5 million Indian troops.

The British brutally put down the Indian Mutiny in 1857-8 with massacres in Delhi, Allahabad, Kanpur and Lucknow.  Then, as up to 30 million Indians died in famines in 1876-9 and 1896-1902, the British government of India explicitly prohibited relief efforts or actions that might reduce exports from India to the U.K. or interfere with the operation of the “free market.”

As Mike Davis wrote in his 2001 book, Late Victorian Holocausts, “What seemed from a metropolitan perspective the nineteenth century’s final blaze of imperial glory was, from an Asian or African viewpoint, only the hideous light of a giant funeral pyre.”

And yet Britain kept control of India by commanding such loyalty and subservience from millions of Indians that, in every crisis, Indian troops obeyed orders from British officers to massacre their own people.

Danny Sjursen and U.S. troops in Afghanistan, Iraq and other post-Cold War U.S. war zones are having a very different experience.  In Afghanistan, as the Taliban and its allies have taken control of more of the country than at any time since the U.S. invasion, the U.S.-backed Afghan National Army has 25,000 fewer troops under its command than it did five years ago, while ten years of training by U.S. special operations forces has produced only 21,000 trained Afghan Commandos, the elite troops who do 70-80% of the killing and dying for the corrupt U.S.-backed Afghan government.

But the U.S. has not completely failed to win the loyalty of its imperial subjects.  The first U.S. soldier killed in action in Afghanistan in 2018 was Sergeant 1st Class Mihail Golin, originally from Latvia.  Mihail arrived in the U.S. in November 2004, enlisted in the U.S. Army three months later and has now given his life for the U.S. Empire and for whatever his service to it meant to him.  At least 127 other Eastern Europeans have died in occupied Afghanistan, along with 455 British troops, 158 Canadians and 396 soldiers from 17 other countries.  But 2,402 – or 68%, over two-thirds – of the occupation troops who have died in Afghanistan since 2001, were Americans.

In Iraq, an American war that always had even less international support or legitimacy, 93% of the occupation troops who have died were Americans, 4,530 out of a total of 4,852 “coalition” deaths.

When Ben Griffin, who later founded the U.K. branch of Veterans for Peace, told his superiors in the U.K.’s elite SAS (Special Air Service) that he could no longer take part in murderous house raids in Baghdad with U.S. special operations forces, he was surprised to find that his entire chain of command understood and accepted his decision.  The only officer who tried to change his mind was the chaplain.

The Future of Empire

The U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff have explicitly told Congress that war with North Korea would require a ground invasion, and the same would likely be true of a U.S. war on Iran.  South Korea wants to avoid war at all costs, but may be unavoidably drawn into a U.S.-led Second Korean War.

But besides South Korea, the level of support the U.S. could expect from its allies in a Second Korean War or other wars of aggression in the future would probably be more like Iraq than Afghanistan, with significant international opposition, even from traditional U.S. allies. U.S. troops would therefore make up nearly all of the invasion and occupation forces – and take nearly all of the casualties.

Compared to past empires, the cost in blood and treasure of policing the U.S. Empire and the blame for its catastrophic failures fall disproportionately – and rightly – on Americans.  Even Donald Trump recognizes this problem, but his demands for allied countries to spend more on their militaries and buy more U.S. weapons will not change their people’s unwillingness to die in America’s wars.

This reality has created political pressure on U.S. leaders to wage war in ways that cost fewer American lives but inevitably kill many more people in countries being punished for resistance to U.S. imperialism, using air strikes and locally recruited death squads instead of U.S. “boots on the ground” wherever possible.

The U.S. conducts a sophisticated propaganda campaign to pretend that U.S. air-launched weapons are so accurate that they can be used safely without killing large numbers of civilians.  Actual miss rates and blast radii are on the “banned topics” blacklist, along with realistic estimates of civilian deaths.

When former Iraqi foreign minister Hoshyar Zebari told Patrick Cockburn of the U.K.’s Independent newspaper that he had seen Iraqi Kurdish intelligence reports which estimated that the U.S.- and Iraqi-led destruction of Mosul had killed 40,000 civilians, the only remotely realistic estimate so far from an official source, no other mainstream Western media followed up on the story.

But America’s wars are killing millions of innocent people: people defending themselves, their families, their communities and countries against U.S. imperialism and aggression; and many more who were simply in the wrong place at the wrong time under the onslaught of over 210,000 American bombs and missiles dropped on at least 7 countries since 2001.

According to a growing body of research (for example, see the UN Development Program study, Journey to Extremism in Africa: Drivers, Incentives and the Tipping-Point for Recruitment), most people who join armed resistance or “terrorist” groups do so mainly to protect themselves and their families from the dangers of wars that others have inflicted on them.  The UNDP survey found that the final “tipping point” that pushes over 70% of them to take the fateful step of joining an armed group is the killing or detention of a close friend or family member by foreign or local security forces.

So the reliance on airstrikes and locally recruited death squads, the very strategies that make U.S. imperialism palatable to the American public, are in fact the main “drivers” spreading armed resistance and terrorism to country after country, placing the U.S. Empire on a collision course with itself.

 

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The U.S. effort to delegate war in the Middle East to Saudi Arabia is turning it into a target of global condemnation as it tries to mimic the U.S. model of warfare by bombing and starving millions of innocent people in Yemen while blaming the victims for their plight.  The slaughter by poorly trained and undisciplined Saudi and Emirati pilots is even more indiscriminate than U.S. bombing campaigns, and the Saudis lack the full protection of the Western propaganda system to minimize international outrage at tens of thousands of civilian casualties and an ever-worsening humanitarian crisis.

The need to win the loyalty of imperial subjects by some combination of fear and respect is a basic requirement of Empire.  But it appears to be unattainable in the 21st century, certainly by the kind of murderous policies the U.S. has embraced since the end of the Cold War.  As Richard Barnet already observed 45 years ago, at the end of the American War in Vietnam, “At the very moment the number one nation has perfected the science of killing, it has become an impractical instrument of political domination.”

Obama’s sugar-coated charm offensive won U.S. imperialism a reprieve from global public opinion and provided political cover for allied leaders to actively rejoin U.S.-led alliances.  But it was dishonest.  Under cover of Obama’s iconic image, the U.S. spread the violence and chaos of its wars and regime changes and the armed resistance and terrorism they provoke farther and wider, affecting tens of millions more people from Syria and Libya to Nigeria and Ukraine.

Now Trump has taken the mask off and the world is once again confronting the unvarnished, brutal reality of U.S. imperialism and aggression.

China’s approach to the world based on trade and infrastructure development has been more successful than U.S. imperialism.  The U.S. share of the global economy has declined from 40% to 22% since the 1960s, while China is expected to overtake the U.S. as the world’s largest economy in the next decade or two – by some measures, it already has.

While China has become the manufacturing and trading hub of the global economy, the U.S. economy has been financialized and hollowed out, hardly a solid basis for future growth.  The neoliberal model of politics and economics that the U.S. adopted a generation ago has created even greater wealth for people who already owned disproportionate shares of everything, but it has left working people in the U.S. and across the U.S. Empire worse off than before.

Like the “next to nothing” that Danny Sjursen came to realize he was fighting for in Iraq and Afghanistan, the prospects for the U.S. economy seem ephemeral and highly vulnerable to the changing tides of economic history.

The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers

In his 1987 book, The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers: Economic Change and Military Conflict from 1500 to 2000, historian Paul Kennedy examined the relationship between economic and military power in the histories of the Western empires who colonized the world in the past 500 years.  He described how rising powers enjoy significant competitive advantages over established ones, and how every once-dominant power sooner or later has to adjust to the tides of economic history and find a new place in a world it can no longer dominate.

Kennedy explained that military power is only a secondary form of power that wealthy nations develop to protect and support their expanding economic interests.  An economically dominant power can quickly convert some of its resources into military power, as the U.S. did during the Second World War or as China is doing today.  But once formerly dominant powers have lost ground to new, rising powers, using military power more aggressively has never been a successful way to restore their economic dominance.  On the contrary, it has typically been a way to squander the critical years and scarce resources they could otherwise have used to manage a peaceful transition to a prosperous future.

As the U.K. found in the 1950s, using military force to try to hold on to its empire proved counter-productive, as Kennedy described, and peaceful transitions to independence proved to be a more profitable basis for future relations with its former colonies.  The drawdown of its global military commitments was an essential part of its transition to a viable post-imperial future.

The transition from hegemony to coexistence has never been easy for any great power, and there is nothing exceptional about the temptation to use military force to try to preserve and prolong the old order.  This has often led to catastrophic wars and it has always failed.

It is difficult for any political or military leader to preside over a diminution of his or her country’s power in the world.  Military leaders are rewarded for military strategies that win wars and expand their country’s power, not for dismantling it.  Mid-level staff officers who tell their superiors that their weapons and armies cannot solve their country’s problems do not win promotion to decision-making positions.

As Gabriel Kolko noted in Century of War in 1994, this marginalization of critical voices leads to an “inherent, even unavoidable institutional myopia,” under which, “options and decisions that are intrinsically dangerous and irrational become not merely plausible but the only form of reasoning about war and diplomacy that is possible in official circles.”

After two world wars and the independence of India, the Suez crisis of 1956 was the final nail in the coffin of the British Empire, and the Eisenhower administration burnished its own anti-colonial credentials by refusing to support the British-French-Israeli invasion of Egypt.  British Prime Minister Anthony Eden was forced to resign, and he was replaced by Harold Macmillan, who had been a close aide to Eisenhower during the Second World War.

Macmillan dismantled the remains of the British Empire behind the backs of his Conservative Party’s supporters, winning reelection in 1959 on the slogan, “You’ve never had it so good,” while the U.S. supported a relatively peaceful transition that preserved Western international business interests and military power.

As the U.S. faces a similar transition from empire to a post-imperial future, its leaders have been seduced by the chimera of the post-Cold War “power dividend” to try to use military force to preserve and expand the U.S. Empire, even as the relative economic position of the U.S. declines.

In 1987, Paul Kennedy ended The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers with a prescient analysis of the U.S. position in the world.  He concluded,

“In all of the discussions about the erosion of American leadership, it needs to be repeated again and again that the decline referred to is relative not absolute, and is therefore perfectly natural; and that the only serious threat to the real interests of the United States can come from a failure to adjust sensibly to the newer world order.”

But after Kennedy wrote that in 1987, instead of accepting the future of peace and disarmament that the whole world hoped for at the end of the Cold War, a generation of American leaders made a fateful bid for “superpower.”  Their delusions were exactly the kind of failure to adjust to a changing world that Kennedy warned against.

The results have been catastrophic for millions of victims of U.S. wars, but they have also been corrosive and debilitating for American society, as the perverted priorities of militarism and Empire squander our country’s resources and leave working Americans poorer, sicker, less educated and more isolated from the rest of the world.

When I began writing Blood On Our Hands: the American Invasion and Destruction of Iraq in 2008, I hoped that the catastrophes in Afghanistan and Iraq might bring U.S. leaders to their senses, as the Suez crisis did to British leaders in 1956.

Instead, eight more years of carefully disguised savagery under Obama have squandered more precious time and good will and spread the violence and chaos of U.S. war-making even farther and wider.  The new National Defense Strategy’s implicit threats against Russia and China reveal that 20 years of disastrous imperial wars have done nothing to disabuse U.S. leaders of their delusions of “superpower status” or to restore any kind of sanity to U.S. foreign policy.

Trump is not even pretending to respect diplomacy or international law, as he escalates Bush’s and Obama’s wars and threatens new ones of his own.  But maybe Trump’s nakedly aggressive policies will force the world to finally confront the dangers of U.S. imperialism. A coming together of the international community to stop further U.S. aggression may be the only way to prevent an even greater catastrophe than the ones that have already befallen the people of Afghanistan, Iraq, Somalia, Honduras, Libya, Syria, Ukraine and Yemen.

Or will it actually take a new and even more catastrophic war in Korea, Iran or somewhere else to finally force the United States to “adjust sensibly to the new world order,” as Paul Kennedy put it in 1987?  The world has already paid a terrible price for our leaders’ failure to take his sound advice a generation ago.  But what will be the final cost if they keep ignoring it even now?

Comments

Mike Powell Thu, 01/25/2018 - 02:04 Permalink

Just f!@# the USD man. Because a HYPERINFLATED USD will make those soldiers' wages gone very low right. 

 

For those who can't face this reality, go buy yourself some WEATHER DERIVATIVES from WALL STREET if you're not happy. Or maybe you can jerk yourself off with rising Dow Jones index to more than 28000 points. 

LetThemEatRand Thu, 01/25/2018 - 02:12 Permalink

"Our competitive edge has eroded in every domain of warfare – air, land, sea, space, and cyberspace,” he said. “And it is continually eroding"

Given that the United States spends multiples more than every other country in the world combined on defense, this is either a failure of the Military Industrial Complex or a failure of our economic system.  Or a flat out lie.  Or maybe some combination.  Either way, fire all of the current Generals then.  Even with an unlimited checkbook they couldn't do their job according to them.

LetThemEatRand . . . _ _ _ . . . Thu, 01/25/2018 - 02:25 Permalink

I beg to differ, because USA, USA, USA.  Our superiority is self-evident from the sheer repetition.  But in all seriousness, I think the military is leaps and bounds above other countries because that's where most of the money goes.  Our health care system is also the best in the world if you're rich.  If you're not rich, you get shitty health care and you get to be cannon fodder for our military.  Yay fascism.  At least we're not all speaking German, right?

In reply to by . . . _ _ _ . . .

BigJim LetThemEatRand Thu, 01/25/2018 - 06:07 Permalink

 But in all seriousness, I think the military is leaps and bounds above other countries because that's where most of the money goes.

 

All other things equal... maybe so. But a lot of the budget is being spent on wars which are not in any way enhancing military capability, at least not commensurate with the associated costs. Furthermore, just because we're spending 10x as much doesn't mean we're getting anything like 10x the amount of bang. There appears to be a law of diminishing returns to this, maybe even negative returns. It's hard to know what's really going on, but new weapons systems, like the F-35 and Zumwalt, appear to actually be steps backwards. Until they engage in live battle with a major power, we won't know how good they are. But if we DO engage in live battle with a major power, the conflict will probably go nuclear and things like the F-35 and Zumwalt will be utterly irrelevant.

In reply to by LetThemEatRand

BigJim LetThemEatRand Thu, 01/25/2018 - 05:56 Permalink

From what I can tell, "our" (UK and US) MICs no longer put actual military defensive/offensive capabilities first, but have gradually evolved into a giant wealth transfer scheme from the taxpayer (or, via inflation, currency holders) to the top MIC stakeholders: arms manufacturers, the bankers who skim the deficit spending required to pay for it all, and the politicians who are bribed (directly or indirectly) to turn a blind eye to the mounting inefficiency and corruption.

Every once in a while a new war is required to justify it all, and to clear out all the old munitions to make way for purchasing replacements.

Of course, unless the media are onside, journalists might report what's going on and the sheep might start taking notice. Even worse, the sheep in the lower echelons of the military who think they're in some way "serving" "their country" might wake up to the fact that they're just low-wage, in-harms-way footsoldiers for the ripoff of their countrymen.

Thank goodness the MSM are almost all bought and paid for.

In reply to by LetThemEatRand

Yellow_Snow Thu, 01/25/2018 - 02:37 Permalink

Seems USSA patriotism is at an all time low... and the niggas won't fight for US Government special interests anymore...  And with the Jew-first, anti-Russian phobia poop-aganda that no one gives a damn about...  It seems the USSA has A LOT MORE TO WORRY ABOUT WITHIN...

INNER CITY WAR ZONES...

EPIDEMIC DRUG USE...

EPIDEMIC OBESITY...

ECONOMIC DEPENDENCE...

DECAYING INFRASTRUCTURE...

OUTRIGHT CRIMINALLY CORRUPT POLITICIANS...

 

SAD TRUTH IS IT'S A PONZI HOUSE OF CARDS...

 

 

I Write Code Thu, 01/25/2018 - 02:46 Permalink

tl;dr

you wanna talk about decline of US power as hegemon, whether we should be hegemon, what it costs to be hegemon, how Obama (and Bush, and Trump) run down our resources, do so.  You want to rant about imperialism, different topic.

Easyp Thu, 01/25/2018 - 02:54 Permalink

You have to keep feeding the military industrial complex....

What the US people need are better schools, roads, bridges and railway sytems but your Government is buying F35s when the Russians are still flying old low tech bombers and fighters.

BigJim Easyp Thu, 01/25/2018 - 05:39 Permalink

Yup, it's funny how the old cold-war era Blackjack - which Putin recently ordered back into production - can outrun the F-35, the US' new, ultra-expensive replacement for its older, but faster jets.

Mind you, I'm not sure how much difference a few hundred knots makes in the era of stealth and air-to-air missiles. Can anyone enlighten me?

In reply to by Easyp

Wild E Coyote Thu, 01/25/2018 - 02:55 Permalink

Articles like this are written by clueless writers or by the same kind of people who think gun equal violence.

Even before guns people were killing with knifes. People equal violence. 

Why did America go to Middle East? Because of oil? No. 

America went there because there were people who invited America over there to kill their enemies. They were willing to pay with oil that made America ride around in gas guzzlers. Some people were willing to accept the offer and send instructions to the US Army. And some people were willing to leave their homes and kill other people in Middle East. 

Some people felt there were money to be made and corrupted some intelligence officials to conduct false flags. Other people reacted to false flag and were running around in Middle East looking for some guy with kidney problems. 

Go and find all this guys. Identify the people. Not hide behind concepts about America being a bad country. 

 

BobEore Thu, 01/25/2018 - 03:00 Permalink

Pity that. Coming within a hare's breath of nailing down the real "difference" between the experience of The BRITISH in India, and THE YANKEES in other part of Asia, our author does the proper Strategic Culture duck down the rabbit hole of 'death to america'... and gives up his game!

That which primarily stands out as a difference between the two 'imperial' experiences was the quality of the personnel involved. Before the complete subversion and submission of o'er ome itself to the talmudist caste of moneychangers who usurped power over kings and parliament via their control of the BOE... before the EIA had completed its pillaging of the subcontinent on behalf of its talmudic kabbalist 'shareholders'... a consistent strain of men whose values were those of another day and age were sent out to try and strike a balance between the commercial realities of the above, with the innate sense of 'fair play' and justice which still rang true in the hearts of many of the 'beefeater race.'

The Indians, aware of the total corruption and depravity of their own elites, were justly desperate to find in the newcomers some relief from oppression. IN MEN like WARREN HASTINGS... they found it... for all to brief a time. Hastings fought a close to two decade guerilla war against the nabobs, the carpetbaggers, the riff raff of the islands all set upon the colony as mites upon a deer. In defending the peoples of Hindustan from the combined forces of greed, avarice and the usual arrogant enforcement of mercantile rape, for however short a time, Hastings and those who shared his mettle forever saved the honor and dignity of a race which now seems desperate to throw those same into the gutter.

Thus, tho 'we' already have forgotten that history, those who were the beneficiaries of that legacy have not. If only they could find some few of our sorry generations which have followed the greater men of our race to look up to, you can count on it - they still would. But there ain't ... and that's the nub of it. We've let down the side... and EVERYONE knows it.

roddy6667 Thu, 01/25/2018 - 03:19 Permalink

Eventually the disgruntled Americans will tire of sliding backwards on every metric of quality of life (including personal freedom), and will actually want to stop spending money on Empire. When this will happen, I don't know. Everybody drank the Kool-Aid.

luckylongshot roddy6667 Thu, 01/25/2018 - 03:27 Permalink

When looking at the insanity of America’s foreign policy it is important to look at the unexplored assumptions that have been made that make such a policy possible.  The big one is the assumption that humans are separate independent individuals. This assumption makes it understandable for one group to brutalise another however it collapses under even a primitive examination. Science has shown we are interdependent energy beings and all it takes is to look at an atom closely to reveal that there is no matter, just energy-  Einstein said “Our separation of each other is an optical illusion of consciousness”. In fact scientists have been unable to locate anything in the universe that can be said to exist separately and independently- and this is true for humans too.

If we start looking at  ourselves as interconnected the logic for one group to oppress another collapses. This is what needs to happen to stop much of the suffering on the planet.

In reply to by roddy6667

moobra Thu, 01/25/2018 - 03:28 Permalink

The major objective of US foreign policy is to keep the towel heads fighting among themselves because if they ever got organised they would be a serious threat to the west via Jihad.  A few terrorist bombs here and there are nothing compared to a pan Arab army and alliance closing oil supplies to the west and deciding that they would like a little imperialism of their own by using turkey as a springboard into europe.

Impossible? They did it before-- as early as 732AD they fought in central France near Poitiers. This has been going on for more than a thousand years and is the reason that Soros and others are using the migration and breeding strategy to finally win.

AurorusBorealus Thu, 01/25/2018 - 06:10 Permalink

This is a very good article.

I would add one thing to this and to the other piece today from the Strategic Culture Foundation.  The enemy for the deep-state has always been Russia.  The U.S. military-intelligence complex was composed, for decades, of career men, with degrees from places like Harvard in subjects such as "Russian Studies" (remember Condoleeza Rice).  They built their careers on their "expertise" about all subjects Russian and how the "Russian mind" works.  The Cold War was never an ideological struggle between Capitalism and Communism for the American military-intelligence aparatus.  It was always a war between the U.S. and Russia.  Henry Kissinger was their idol.  Nothing changed for these people when the Soviet Union collapsed.  The "Soviet Union" had never been their enemy.  Their enemy had always been "Russia."

The Trump military junta has not revised U.S. foreign policy with regard to Russia or terrorism nor has the junta changed U.S. objectives.  There never was a "war on terror."  The U.S. created Al Quaeda to fight Russia.  The U.S. did not invade Afghanistan to destroy Al Quaeda.  The U.S. invaded Afghanistan to regain control of Al Quaeda from the former CIA asset, Osama bin Laden, who had gone rogue.  This remains the U.S. objective in Afghanistan to this day.  This is why the U.S. facilitates the cultivation of poppy in Afghanistan.  They wish to link the Afghan economy to the U.S. dollar vis a vie opium addiction; call this the "poppy-dollar."  Likewise, only fools in the U.S. media and the U.S. public believe that the U.S. is at war with Isis.  Like Al Quaeda, the U.S. created Isis to overthrow regimes allied with Russia: Syria and Iran.

What has changed, however, is the U.S. position toward China.  Since the days of Kissinger, the U.S. has sought to separate China from Russia.  This was to be accomplished by "trade" and by "opening the Chinese markets" using the model of Commodore Perry in Tokyo Harbor and the previous model of the European powers carving out "spheres of influence" in China with each European power having control on a Chinese port.  The deep-state's perverse obsession with destroying Russia has now created a stronger alliance between Russia and China than any that had ever existed during the era of the Soviet Union.

The mental infants of Washington have sucked at the paps of Cold War mothers' milk for so long that they are unable to digest any solid thinking.  Every nation is either "with America" or "with Russia."  This includes China.  Therefore, China is now added to the list of "enemies," revisionist powers," or whatever is the term du jour in the Reichs House.  Otherwise, the infantile imperium continues as it has since the Dulles brother birthed the deep-state: howling in tantrums, regurgitating its food, slobbering all over itself, playing in its slop, and flinging its feces around the world.

richsob Thu, 01/25/2018 - 07:00 Permalink

Well, for sure the Chinese and Russians are not to blame for any of this happening.  Nope.  All America's fault as usual.  If America would just disarm all the problems would go away.

Radical Pragmatist richsob Thu, 01/25/2018 - 08:13 Permalink

It's America's fault for being where it does not belong.  (America = arrogant and stupid U.S. government regime here.)

If the U.S. Global Cop Gorilla exited the dystopian sandboxes 6,000 miles away from American shores that are mired in sectarian conflicts that have nothing to do with the U.S., then yes the problems would go away - for Americans.  Especially American taxpayers.

In reply to by richsob

Shemp 4 Victory richsob Thu, 01/25/2018 - 09:20 Permalink

 

Well, for sure the Chinese and Russians are not to blame for any of this happening.  Nope.  All America's fault as usual.  If America would just disarm all the problems would go away.

Typical US behavior. US citizens always try to dilute their actions through the alledged actions of others.

Tells so much about responsibility as a failed concept. So many people so quick to look for diluting responsibility. So little time focused on assessing the reality of the revelations.

Dilution of responsibility and causality by expanding the base and encompassing people who have little to do with their business is a central tenet in US citizenism.

In reply to by richsob

truthalwayswinsout Thu, 01/25/2018 - 08:33 Permalink

If you consider global resources important we need to be around the world protecting our interests. If we take NASA public we would no longer care about global resources and would get our raw materials from space. There would be no need to care what happens in the middle east nor anywhere else for that matter unless those people are truly our friends.

Otherwise, technology is advancing so rapidly by the time you deploy a new weapons system it is obsolete. It used to be 10-15 years of superiority and now it is 1-2 years at the most.

You can stay on top but it requires you to keep making new weapons but not produce them in mass quantities and you must have the production capacity to make lots of them quickly but you have to wait until you have a real threat, which means NO MORE BEING THE WORLD'S POLICE FORCE.

DelusionsCrowded Thu, 01/25/2018 - 09:20 Permalink

  One thing not mentioned in this article is the psychological effect on States (mic and corporatization minds)  and their leaders of the top echelons is always having this Nuclear Backup . Unlike the Dying British Empire , American & Russia & China always has the option of repelling enemies threats via nuclear weaponry as a last resort .

Great opening for psycopaths , to push their way to the front and 'win' .