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Cuba, Venezuela, China, And America's Left-Wing Revolution

Tyler Durden's Photo
by Tyler Durden
Authored...

Yesterday's spectacle would have been unthinkable a generation ago.

Donald Trump retrieved Nicolás Maduro from Venezuela and brought him to New York to be arraigned in the Southern District. Venezuelans in the diaspora celebrated the symbolic end of a tyrant's impunity. Meanwhile, in the United States, something stranger happened: American socialist organizations erupted in rage.

The Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) issued a statement condemning the action and demanding Maduro's release. New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani—a DSA member—reportedly consulted with Ramzi Kassem, a lawyer infamous for representing al-Qaeda figures, and allegedly called President Trump to "register his opposition." At the same time, Neville Roy Singham's network hosted a pro-Maduro protest in Times Square, even as Venezuelan exiles celebrated freedom from the man who ruined their country.

Meanwhile, actual Venezuelans...

So we must ask the obvious question: why? Why are ostensibly American organizations so emotionally invested in the fate of a foreign dictator? Why does the capture of a Venezuelan strongman trigger outrage in gentrified Brooklyn, rather than relief?

The first answer is ideological. Socialists, even those who insist on calling themselves "democratic", do not fundamentally support American interests.

The branding is marketing. "Democratic socialism" is designed to sound like Scandinavia with better coffee. In practice, their heroes are Havana and Caracas, not Helsinki. They tell voters they want the Nordic model; what they defend, reflexively and ferociously, is the Cuban and Venezuelan model: centralized power, ideological conformity, and permanent opposition to the United States.

The second answer is historical and structural. The modern American left did not materialize spontaneously on college campuses. It was built, carefully, deliberately, over decades, beginning with Soviet influence operations and later absorbed by Cuban intelligence. And today, that network is materially dependent on Venezuela. Without Venezuelan oil, Cuba collapses. When Maduro falls, the lights quite literally go out in Havana.

As ZeroHedge noted... 

To understand how we got here, we need to go back.

The first organization to understand the context of foreign front groups is the Communist Party USA (CPUSA), founded in 1919 and still operating out of New York City. CPUSA was a member of the Communist International (Comintern) from 1919 to 1943, the Soviet apparatus that coordinated global communist movements. The party received substantial covert funding from Moscow. Its leaders, like William Z. Foster and Earl Browder, were trained in the Soviet Union where they learned Marxist-Leninist tactics and internal discipline. CPUSA became an instrument of foreign power.

Next came the National Lawyers Guild (NLG), founded in 1937. As the Capital Research Center notes, the NLG has been consistently identified with radical-left politics and was heavily influenced by communists in its early years. Key Weather Underground figures like Bernardine Dohrn and Bill Ayers had strong ties to the National Lawyers Guild (NLG). Dohrn served as the first law student organizer.

Today, the Guild provides legal support and protest training for Black Lives Matter, Antifa, and other left-wing street movements, teaching activists how to push confrontation to the legal edge without crossing into prosecutable domestic terrorism.

Third is the Institute for Policy Studies (IPS), founded in 1963 with seed money from the Samuel Rubin Foundation. Rubin was a CPUSA member. His daughter, Cora Weiss, and her husband Peter Weiss, who also held senior roles in the National Lawyers Guild, ran the foundation and guided IPS for decades. IPS presented itself as a benign progressive think tank. Its real objective was more ambitious: to move American law, culture, and foreign policy leftward, aligning with Soviet interests.

IPS quickly became a safe haven for America's radical left. It worked with the Castro regime on anti-war activism, hosted Black Panther figures, and nurtured activists like Barbara Ehrenreich who went on to become an early leader in the Democratic Socialists of America. It also attracted the attention of the KGB; agents from the nearby Soviet embassy reportedly convened there and attempted recruitment. In the 1960s, IPS sponsored the Venceremos Brigades, whose members were organized and trained by Fidel Castro's intelligence service.

IPS perfected a model that still defines the American left: front groups. New issue? New organization. Feminism, NATO opposition, racial activism, each sprouted its own institute, foundation, or coalition, often sharing staff, donors, and ideology. It became a printer for anti-western astroturf groups.

Closely linked was the Center for Constitutional Rights (CCR), founded in 1966 by civil-rights attorneys, many of them NLG members. CCR co-founder Arthur Kinoy had ties to CPUSA. CCR lawyers collaborated with IPS scholars on civil liberties cases and campaigns, especially during the Church Committee era. Yesterday, CCR condemned Trump's action against Venezuela as "unlawful aggression," describing it as a "caricature of imperialism." The language has not evolved; only the villains have.

According to a defected Cuban intelligence officer, sometime in the 1970s—after Cuba's deep integration with the Soviet Union—the Cuban intelligence service (DGI) gained operational control over CPUSA, the National Lawyers Guild, and the Venceremos Brigade.

Fast-forward to today. The DSA, who just won NYC's mayoralty, has direct roots in IPS. CODEPINK co-founder Jodie Evans sits on the IPS board. IPS receives funding from Neville Roy Singham. Singham activists like Manolo De Los Santos don't just organize protests on behalf of the Maduro regime, they're actually friends in real life.

All of these networks—whether the Singham organizations, the DSA, or the fake "civil rights groups" that are actually organizing protests—have been traveling to Cuba for years, where they interact with the Cuban Intelligence Service through its front group, ICAP.

Omar in Havana. Opening daycare centers? 

This matters because Cuba is running on fumes, quite literally. With electricity available only a few hours a day, the Cuban regime is utterly dependent on Venezuelan oil. That reality is a huge deal for America's revolutionary left. They see themselves not as observers, but as participants in the Cuban revolution.

When Maduro is threatened, they react as if their own infrastructure is under attack—because it is.

 

When people tell you who they are, believe them. The American left is not merely influenced by Cuba, Venezuela, Russia, and China. It functions as their domestic network. Yesterday's protests were not a moral response.

They were a supply-chain reaction.

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